In 1976, a new historical wall plate (plate 15) was published. The evaluation of Cheng and Kang is that "Cheng Sheng, Cheng Wang, you Gang, Zhao Che, Zhou bang.". King Kang, Xi Yin Qiang. The characters are not easy to understand. If we let go of some minor differences, the opinions of various schools generally think that in this paragraph, King Cheng began to govern the Zhou state by law, while King Kang determined the territory of each place (Tang Lan, 1978; Qiu Xigui, 1978; Li Xueqin, 1978; Chen Shihui, 1980). This passage is basically in line with "Zuo Zhuan" in the 26th year of Zhaogong: "in the past, King Wu conquered Yin, King Cheng jingsifang, King Kang Ximin, and built his mother and brother to screen Zhou. It is also said that I do not enjoy the merits of civil and martial arts, and I am drowned in difficulties because I am defeated and overturned by later generations, so I can save it. " In 516 B.C., after the rebellion in the Royal chamber, the people of Jin accepted the king Yu Chengzhou, and the prince's Dynasty listed the important events of the kings of several dynasties, which can represent the people's understanding of the history of the dynasty. From this section, we can see that the time of Chengkang was the time of feudal relatives of Zhou people. In Zuo Zhuan, in the 24th year of Duke Xi, the king of Zhou planned to use the same surname as Di to attack his relatives. Fu Chen opposed to using Di to attack his relatives. He also went back to the feudalism of the Zhou Dynasty: "in the past, Duke Zhou did not pay attention to his second uncle, so the feudal relatives used fan to screen Zhou. Guan, Cai, Ying, Huo, Lu, Wei, Mao, Dan, Gao, Yong, Cao, Teng, Bi, yuan, Feng, Ying, Wen Zhizhao; Han, Jin, Ying, Han, Wu Zhimu; fan, Jiang, Xing, Mao, Dan, Ji, Zhou Gongyin. " Xunzi's "Confucian effect chapter": "(Duke of Zhou) concurrently controlled the world, established 71 States, and 53 people lived alone under the surname Ji." The historical events of the feudal states with the surname Ji belong to the Duke of Zhou. But as Fu Chen said, Duke Zhou's feudal motive was to manage Cai's betrayal in the three prison rebellion. If he regarded it as a feudal relative, would he rather bring disaster himself? In both the theory of Fu Chen and the records of Xunzi, the Duke of Zhou was regarded as the representative of the pioneering work in the early Zhou Dynasty. The records of Shiqiang pan and Zuozhuan in the 26th year of Zhaogong can be interpreted as that the feudalism of Zhou people was completed in the reign of Chengkang. In the age of Chengkang, it is said that the punishment was not used for 40 years, and the name was Taiping. In fact, the North has not been completely eliminated. The inscriptions on Xiaoyu Ding in the reign of King Kang are incomplete, but from the inscriptions, it can be seen that there was a very fierce war between the Zhou people and the Gui Fang. More than 4800 achievements were presented at the sacrifice ceremony, including 1381 prisoners, a number of horses, 30 chariots, 355 cattle and 38 sheep. For the second time, a number of first class captive vehicles and 140 horses were presented (Shirakawa, 1965 C: 682-692). On the other hand, Huaiyi and Jingchu in the South were not fully included in the power circle of Zhou kingdom as late as the reign of King Zhao. The above-mentioned record of the history wall plate for King Zhao is "Guangchu Jing, Haonan", which just confirms the legend of King Zhao's journey to the south. In the Chengkang period, there were many inscriptions on the utensils of the southern expedition, such as, Bo, Xiaozi Shengzun, and the Zhongshi utensils of the six utensils in Anzhou, all of which were about "conquering the southern kingdom" and "saving the southern kingdom" (Bai Chuanjing, 1966a: 771-793).
In the reign of Chengkang, the feudal system of the Zhou people was only used in the Central Plains, that is, the old land of yin and Shang Dynasties, plus the territory opened up in the East and North, such as the states of Qi and Yan, but only in the area of Huai and Han to the South. The great success of Zhoushi's feudalism in Chengkang shows that the so-called feudal relatives, who ruled Zhoushi by vassal, was a part of the founding of the people's Republic of China at the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty, and was not a regular system that would continue to be promoted in later generations. Most of the feudal lords of Zhou people and Jiang people had been founded in the reign of Chengkang. Even though there are still a small number of new feudal states in later generations, such as Zheng State, the number can not be equal to that of the early Zhou Dynasty. The time characteristic of this phenomenon should enlighten the nature of feudalism. What is feudalism? Since there have been similar situations in human history (such as medieval Western Europe and modern Japan), feudal system has become a subject of historiography. On the one hand, the study of European feudal system in western historiography tradition has aroused historians' interest in similar phenomena in the East, and further takes feudal system as the object of comparative study (coul born, 1956). On the other hand, in the historical system of Marx's historical materialism, feudal society is a stage between slave society and capitalist society. Scholars of historical materialism must determine a feudal era in Chinese history, and even cut their feet to fit their shoes. China's enfeoffment system basically ended after the unification of Qin Dynasty, but China's capitalist society did not appear. Therefore, Chinese Marxist historians have to find a way out of this contradiction, and how to divide the Chinese history before capitalism, even the enfeoffment system itself, into slave society? Is it feudal? They have been the focus of lawsuits in the past 30 years (CHO Yun Hsu, 1979:453-475; Pang Yaodong, 1979:141-166; Editorial Department of historical research, 1957; Wang Sizhi, 1980:27-29; Fu Zhufu, 1980:1-23).
The essence of the system of enfeoffment in the Western Zhou Dynasty can be explained by Liu Zongyuan's words in the book of Feudalism: "the feudalist is more ancient than the sage Wang Yao, Shun, Yu, Tang Wenwu, but he can't go there. He doesn't want to go there, and he can't go there. What is the origin of potential? There is no feudalism at the beginning, and feudalism is not sage. At the beginning, he was born with all things, plants and sticks, deer and pigs. People could not fight and had no feathers. Mok was self-defense. Xunqing has said that the false things will be regarded as users. The man who pretends to be a man will fight for it. He will not stop fighting for it. He will obey the orders of the man who can break the straight and the crooked. If he is wise and wise, he will subdue many people. If he tells them to be upright but not to change, he will feel pain and then be afraid. This is the reason why the emperor is in charge of punishment and politics. Therefore, those who are close to each other gather together to form a group. If the group is divided into different groups, the competition will be great, and then there will be soldiers and virtues. There is also a big one, and the leader of the group will listen to the order, so as to secure its belonging, and then there are princes, then there is a big one in the dispute. If you are virtuous, you will follow the orders of the princes to secure their titles. So there are Fang Bo Lian Shuai and the like, then there are big disputes. Those who are virtuous, like Fang Bo and Lian Shuai, will be obedient to their orders, and then the world will be one. " He said, "there are three thousand princes who return to Yin to dethrone Xia, but Tang can't be discarded. In order to win the Yin Dynasty, the king of Wu had no choice. It is necessary for Tang Wu to regard favoritism as security and popularity. " (quantangwen: 582 / 2-5) Liu Zongyuan believes that feudalism is basically a hierarchical division of political power, which has a long history. It began almost at the beginning of the people, and gradually converged to a higher level of political power with the expansion of community organizations. In fact, the feudalism of Shang and Zhou Dynasties was the continuation of the political power of local communities. Xu Zongyan's passage in the book of rites of reading Zhou Dynasty can supplement Liu Zongyuan's theory of Feudalism: "the king of Wu watched Meng Jin's troops, and eight hundred princes met, all of which were built by the second generation. As for the breadth and narrowness of Zhou's territory, it is not necessarily known that it was still granted by Wen and Wu at the beginning of Zhou's reign. If you want to make peace with it, you can't change its boundaries. King Wu conquered Shang and granted one of 70 countries. That's the only way you can limit the system of granting land, and then you can take the destroyed country and the vacant land. " (Xu Zongyan, 1829:1 / 36-37) Liu and Xu's opinions were based on the fact that Zhou had no ability to change the border after conquering Yin. The fourth chapter of this book also discusses that the Zhou people must establish the political power of "Three Combinations" with the old Yin people and the local aborigines in various regions. The situation in the early Zhou Dynasty is quite in line with the situation described by Liu and Xu. In this kind of "three combination" enfeoffment, the active combination force is naturally the lineage children of the Zhou people and their friends, and they are also the most dominant component. This is a group of foreign and upper class elements. Eberhard believed that the enfeoffment of the Western Zhou Dynasty was actually based on the overlapping of communities in the situation of conquest. Ji Jiang and his clan of the Zhou Dynasty were new elements that were superior to the local aborigines, and also the upper layer of the feudal structure (Eberhard, 1965:24-30). According to Eberhard's early position, the conquest of the Western Zhou Dynasty came from the east of Turkey or Mongolia (ditto: 28, note 1; see Eberhard, 1942). The relationship between the Jiang family name and the Qiang people in Tibet has been described in the third chapter of this book, but the relationship between the Ji family name and the nomadic Turks in Northwest China has not been confirmed up to now. The overlapping of communities under the enfeoffment system is basically an unstable form. The greater the cultural gap between the overlapping elements, the greater the instability. For example, in the state of Lu, Zhou society and Hao society coexisted. However, in the history of the Western Zhou Dynasty, none of the feudal states was destroyed because of instability. In contrast, the local characteristics of various countries in the spring and Autumn period just showed that there had been a considerable degree of assimilation within the feudal states to integrate the new local culture. Therefore, in the early Zhou Dynasty, there were cultural differences among the feudal states in the East, but they were not necessarily great. In fact, on the plain of northern China from Shaanxi to Shandong, in the late period of Neolithic culture, there was a phenomenon of exchange and mutual influence among local cultures, especially the gap between neighboring cultures, which showed a gradual change. This great cultural circle, which is based on the Loess plain of North China, is also the scope of activities of the Xia and Shang Dynasties (Kwang Chih Chang, 1980:361-364; Zhang Guangzhi, 1978). At the beginning of the Zhou Dynasty, the enfeoffment of various countries was roughly within this range. In the Chengkang era, Yin had been conquered for decades, and the control of this area had been largely completed. Therefore, the work of the feudal seventy-one state was in the Chengkang era, and there was no more room for enfeoffment after that.
The management of the South after the reign of King Zhao, on the one hand, shows the expansion of the Yellow River Valley loess plain culture, on the other hand, it also shows that the huaihan region is the junction of the Central Plains culture and the Jianghuai region indigenous culture. Qujialing culture, inherited from Daxi Culture, is a Neolithic tradition in Jianghan River Basin, which is far from the Central Plains culture. Although Yin Shang culture was far away from Jianghan area, it was just a dot like spread (Kwang Chih Chang, 1980:305-306320-321). Therefore, although the superiority of the Zhou people in the northern loess area is to conquer, it should not be conquered and conquered among different nationalities. Instead, it should be a re combination of the ethnic groups in the big cultural circle. The ethnic group of the Zhou people should take the main position instead of the Shang ethnic group. The enfeoffment system, in this sense, is the overlapping relationship between the ruling ethnic groups and the indigenous ethnic groups.
Looking back at the system of enfeoffment itself, the relevant historical materials include the section of the fourth year of Dinggong in Zuozhuan and "Daya Songgao" and "Hanyi" in the book of songs. In the inscriptions on gold, they are Yihou in the early Western Zhou Dynasty and Dayu Ding in the middle of the Western Zhou Dynasty. The text of Zuo Zhuan in the fourth year of the reign of Duke Ding has been quoted in the previous chapter and will not be repeated. The Three Kingdoms of Lu, Wei and Tang were individually allocated to a number of ritual vessels, such as chariots, brigades, bows and swords, leather drums and jade wares, a number of Yin people who had become a family, a number of subordinate officials (such as Zhu Zong, Bu Shi and Wu Zheng), and the land (such as Shao Zhen, Yin Xu and Xia Xu) and the people (such as Shang Yan people). The Yin people who were assigned to the vassals were supposed to be skilled workers, such as the Tao family who made pottery and the fan family who made Fanying. They also kept their original clan organization, so-called "Shuai their Zong family, collect their families and make them ugly". In a paragraph about Marquis Lu, it is also mentioned that "tutian peidun is divided into two parts". Yang Kuan thinks that tutian peidun is "Lu Song · Ke Gong" in the book of Songs: "tutian vassal" of "Naiming Duke Lu, Bishou Yudong, mountains and rivers of Xi, tutian vassal". It is also the "Yong" in the inscriptions of Jin Dynasty. It refers to the cultivator attached to the land as "Yong", and Yong is also the servant Yong . The Yamin in Lu is the original inhabitants of this kind of land (Yang Kuan, 1965:81-82; ITO Daozhi, 1975:232-236). According to the records of the fourth year of the reign of Duke Ding, a enfeoffment Marquis had three groups of people, one was the litigant, the other was the old family of Yin people, and the other was the original residents attached to the fief.
From the two poems of "Songgao" and "Hanyi" in the book of songs, "Songgao" means "Shenbo, wangzan, Xieyi, and Nanguo". The king ordered him to call his uncle and set up his residence in Nanbang. The king's name was "Shenbo" in the form of "Nanbang", because he gave thanks to others, so that he could serve as an ER Yong. The king ordered him to call his uncle, and to go through the earth. The king ordered Fu Yu to move to his private place The king sent Shenbo to take the chariot and the horse. I live in tuerju, not in NaNTU, but in xierjiegui, as a treasure. When I go near Uncle Wang, NaNTU is Bao. " It also mentioned the gifts given by the royal family, such as chariots, horses and Jiegui, the "private" allocated by the royal family, and the "thanking people" and "serving as eryong". Among the people, those who belong to the royal family go with them to build the country by the power of Zhaobo, and take the native residents as servants. "Han Yi": "Yi Yi Liang Shan, Wei Yu Dian, has his own way. Han Hou was ordered, Wang Qin ordered, and zuanrong zukao. He didn't abolish my order. He committed crimes in the past and in the night. He shared his position. My order is not easy, and I can't do anything in court, so that I can help the army to succeed." Marquis Han's pilgrimage to the throne, with its Jiegui, was made to the king, Wang Xi, marquis Han, Shu Qi, Sui Zhang, di Fu, cuoheng, Xuan Yan, Chi Xi, Gou Ying, Diao Xi, Diao Qian, Diao Ge, Jin Er Pu Bi Han City, Yan Shi finished, to the ancestors ordered, because of the time hundred man. Wang Xi, the Marquis of Han Dynasty, pursued him and was in the northern kingdom. Because of his uncle, he was a real Yongshi, a real gully, and a real mu of land. " The Han Marquis was not granted at the beginning, but was ordered by the king again because of his pilgrimage to determine his legal status as a marquis. Therefore, the Han Marquis was ordered by the king and respected his ancestors, which is exactly the same as the tone of Xi Ming Li. The gifts given by Han Hou are not only the decoration of chariots and horses, but also the clothes, which are quite consistent with the description in Zuo Zhuan. At the beginning of the Republic of Korea, Yanshi completed the construction of the city, and the words of "Yinshi Baiman" are the same as "Yingshi Xieren" in "Songgao" and "Yinshang Yanmin" in "Zuozhuan", which also refer to the service of Baiman (including zhuiyu's family) to serve the Han marquis. Han has been a state for quite a long time, but he still mentioned that it was completed by "Yan Shi" at the beginning of the establishment of the state, which is similar to the repeated mention in "Song Gao" that the state of Shen was "Zhao Bo is a camp". Two cases of heguan, there may have been people who called Bo to stay in Shen, and some of Yan Shi to stay in Korea. In Zuo Zhuan, in the 24th year of Duke Fu, the Marquis Chong'er of Jin entered Jin by the power of Qin. "Jin Hou's wife Ying's return, Qin Bo sent Wei to 3000 people in Jin Dynasty, the servant of the actual record gang.". In Zuo Zhuan, Wei died in DI in the second year of Min Gong, and the state of Qi helped Wei Wengong recover. At that time, there were only 730 adherents of Wei, male and female, and 5000 people of Teng in other cities. Qi sent three hundred troops and three thousand Jiashi to garrison around Wei Wengong. These two events belong to the spring and Autumn period, but these two examples may illustrate the meaning of the two words "Zhao Bo is Ying" and "Yan Shi Suo Wan" in the poem. It is not easy to know whether the people of Zhao Bo and Yan people stayed in ShenHan for a long time.
The complete inscription of Yihou in the Chengkang era has been found in the above chapter, but there is no citation for it. Among them, Xihu Marquis was appointed to Yihou, and the gifts given are also some Yi objects and bows, as well as "Yitu, juechuan 300, juebaiyou, Jueyi 30 and 5, juebaiyou 30", which is more accurate than the previous records in Zuozhuan and the book of songs, but it is still difficult to understand the four aspects. Tang Lan thought that Marquis Hu should be Marquis Yu. This inscription is also the record of Taibo Zhongyong being granted the state of Wu (Tang Lan, 1956:79). "Yi Cai is suitable for the king, and seven people are born, Yi Dien is seven white, Jue Yong is fifty, and Yi Yi is suitable for the common people six hundred and six.". There are three kinds of people, Wangren and Dien, which are based on surnames. They should be one clan, which is similar to the situation of six clans and seven clans of Yin people in Zuozhuan. The king may have been from the Zhou Dynasty, while the Mo may have been from Zheng, an old clan of the Yin Dynasty, who followed the Marquis Hu to garrison the south. Some of the "Jue" may be the service population attached to the above two categories of senior subordinates. In Yishu, they are the original residents of Yidi, equivalent to peidun in Zuozhuan and the vassal of Jinwen (Bai Chuanjing, 1965 a: 529-552).
It also belongs to the Dayu Ding (Fig. 23) of the Chengkang era. Its inscription records that Yu was ordered by Xi to inherit the position of Nangong, and he was given clothes, chariots, horses, and travel ornaments, and "four Bai of Yi Nu bang, with six hundred and fifty and nine husbands of common people, ten and three Bai of Yi Wang and his ministers, thousand and fifty husbands of people, and from Jue Tu" (Bai Chuanjing, 1965 C: 651-672; Gao Hongjin, 1962) ）。 The distribution of personnel is similar to that of yihouya. The people who served in Yudi were under the state, which was equivalent to those who served in Yihou. Yiwangchen and below is equivalent to the service population of yiwangren. Wang Ningsheng thought that the "minister" here was not a slave, but a manager of the serving population (Wang Ningsheng, 1979). Some people think that it is a prisoner, some people think that it is a prisoner turned into a slave, and some people think that it is a serving population that can be counted according to the book. No matter what the etymology is, there is no doubt that human beings are serving population (Yang Kuan, 1965:100-110; Xu Zhongshu, 1955; Bei zhongmaoshu, 1962).
(also known as Duke of Zhou, Duke of Zhou Yi and Marquis of Xing) is also the inscription about giving people surnames in the Chengkang era: "in March of the reign of Jia, Wang Lingzhong's internal history said: Marquis of the well obeys the three grades of Yichen, and everyone in the state. Bow. The emperor of Lu Jue Shunfu, who ran to the upper and lower emperors, had no winter time and Zhou Dynasty. He did not dare to pursue and test. Shao Zhenfu League, my minister, the emperor, ordered Zhou Gongyi with the Book King (Bai Chuanjing, 1965 C: 592-603) this is the order given to the three groups of officials of marquis Xing. According to Bai Chuanjing's opinion, the three groups of people, including Zhou people, were all residents near the Yin Wangji (Bai Chuanjing, 1965 C: 588-599). Chen pan thought that the three were the names of the eastern countries. At the beginning of the reign of marquis Xing, he granted Xingqiu to the old people of the East, which was the hometown of the Three Kingdoms. According to Zuo Zhuan, Xing moved to Yiyi in the second year of Min Gong and was still in the old place of Xing (Chen pan, 1969:266-267). Taking this example as an extension, the Marquises of the Ji surname were granted to their homeland, which they had already submitted to, and they were also regarded as the surnames of bestowing people, rather than taking the fiefdom as their content.
According to the comprehensive literature and inscriptions, the enfeoffment of the Western Zhou Dynasty was not only the colonial team of the Zhou people occupying a piece of Eastern homeland, but also the regrouping of the population. Each enfeoffment monarch was granted not only land, but also different groups of people. Yang Ximei thought that the system of giving surnames in ancient times was actually a system of enfeoffment of people's surnames and clan affiliations, which combined with "jutu" and "Mingshi" as the three elements of feudalism (Yang Ximei, 1952, 1954, 1955). The surname of giving is the people who give service to them. The land is the area where people live. It can be summed up as the surname of Ming, which includes the name of the state (such as Lu, such as Yi), the words of warning (such as "kanggao") and the symbols of being granted (such as various costumes and ritual utensils). The Ming Shi lineage represents the division of the original ethnic group into an independent sub ethnic group. The significance of the enfeoffment system in the Western Zhou Dynasty in the formation of new ethnic groups is greater than that in the division of territory (Yang Ximei, 1955:195-197). The emergence and development of this system is exactly the class of Yin merchants who took "clan" as the social component (Kwang Chih Chang, 1980:162165); the new feudalism, because of its combination with the original residents, became a geopolitical political unit, and then gradually evolved into the system of states in the spring and Autumn period (Richard walker, 1953; CHO Yun Hsu, 1965:78-100). Therefore, the feudal lords under the enfeoffment system, on the one hand, maintain the clan's character, on the other hand, they also need to develop the political character of geographical units.
